The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)

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Landscape perception and environmental aesthetics Debates on the nature of aesthetics and aesthetic landscape appreciation are necessarily informed by theories of landscape perception and preference. However, a number of environmental aestheticians e. These theories are discussed further in Chapter Drawing on the work of Parsons and Daniel , Gobster et al. Gobster et al. Empirical work has shown that, alongside appreciation of urban green space for the functional, ecosystem services it can provide, aesthetic appreciation can provide a pathway to enhanced ecological awareness among urban citizens Jim and Chen, Nonetheless, radical researchers, such as Barrett et al.

Related to the discussion of the ways in which environmental aesthetics determine attitudes towards nature, there is a growing appreciation of the role of aesthetic values in the shaping of ecological politics. Similarly Benediktsson illustrates the role of aesthetics in shap- ing radical environmental values. As Daniel notes, expert approaches are more prevalent in environmental management practice, whereas public perception-based approaches are more frequent in research.

Environment and behaviour As the evidence so far suggests, every act of perception is made in the light of context and experience. For each individual, the context includes whatever tasks they are currently engaged in and expectations of the future as well as experience of the past. As Aspinall has pointed out, if researchers asking participants questions about landscape preference do not give a context, the respondents will provide their own and they may be quite divergent. As Purcell et al. Researchers who draw on this approach e.

Little, have emphasized the importance of asking people for their views and responses, rather than simply observing them, in researching engagement with the environment. Perceiving and acting are intertwined, according to Heft as we engage, in movement and in time, with the environment. Such research also points to the value of attempts to understand how we navigate our way through the landscape, partly because it may help to explain more fundamental processes of perception. Users unfamiliar with an environment may start with one strategy and switch to the other as they become familiar with a place.

Many studies have highlighted how landmarks can play a key role in navigating both familiar and unfamiliar territory. Foo et al. A key conclusion is that humans, like honeybees, depend on landmarks when they are available, as the simplest, most reliable navigation strategy. Research methodologies in landscape perception and experience Empirical studies on the perception of landscape are overwhelmingly focused on visual dimensions. For example, Sanesi et al. Although the use of static images is open to criticism, as outlined earlier, much research continues to use them.

This study raises important questions about the repre- sentational validity of computer-generated landscape visualizations. However, digitally processed images continue to be used in a wide range of projects e. Ode et al. Countryside Agency and Scottish Natural Heritage, In this northern-European study, perceived naturalness seems to be an important indicator of preference Ode et al.

Non-visual methods: questionnaires, interviews and accompanied visits An increasing number of studies document landscape preferences, values and uses through questionnaires, interviews and a variety of ethnographic methods, which permit closer interac- tion between researchers and research participants without relying on the kind of visual meth- ods described above. Galindo and Hidalgo , for example, explored preference for urban parks and open spaces in Spain, in relation to attractiveness and mental restoration, using a self- completed questionnaire. An approach developed by Little that draws on similar theoretical foundations involves the concept of personal projects — a set of goal-oriented, self-generated activities a person is doing or thinking of doing.

They range from trivial, everyday routines to ambitious, long-term endeavours. The idea of personal projects emphasizes the ecological aspects of activity in context. Behaviour settings provide a useful basis for subdividing a physical landscape under study so that environ- ment and behaviour can be directly linked. Moore and Cosco ; have demonstrated the value of a behaviour setting approach to behaviour mapping, providing a sound empirical method for exploring how people engage with the world through direct observation.

Such an approach can be supported by interviews and other methods to explore the reasons and perceptions behind certain behaviour patterns. Nonetheless it has value in its own right in providing evidence for landscape preference expressed through bodily engagement rather than words. These can help the researcher to understand the immediate and multi-sensory aspects of engagement with the landscape. Many researchers promote a multi-method approach to understanding landscape perception e.

Ward Thompson et al. Computer- based questionnaires and other tests allow surveys to be undertaken online and participants to be enlisted at a distance. Image manipulation and digital modelling, as mentioned earlier, allow alternative landscape scenarios to be presented to participants for their response. Disposable and digital cameras, voice and video recorders have assis- ted participant-led data collection, making it easier to employ research methods that combine visual and non-visual approaches.

In addition, analysis of comments and discussions recorded by participants has been facilitated by computer software such as NVivo, that can assist in coding text and in discourse analysis. Space does not permit more than the briefest of pointers to some relevant research. Bell at al. Burgess showed that the physical quality of enclosure characteristics of woods and forests was experi- enced by women in a more negative way. Krenichyn showed that family, friends and acquaintances could provide support for feelings of safety and enjoyment in New York city parks and that aesthetic elements of the park were highly valued.

Woolley and Amin, ; Agyeman, ; Rishbeth, In the US, Gobster examined outdoor recreation use patterns and preferences among racially and ethnically diverse users and found that BME park users came from farther away, more often by car, used the park less frequently and were more likely to visit in large, family-oriented groups. However, green spaces with attractive views and their use for relaxation appeared to be less relevant to BME groups than to white British, while good maintenance was more important to BME groups CABE, Research has largely focused on issues of use, access to, and inclusive design of green spaces rather than perception and.

Kweon et al. The dearth of non-visual aspects of landscape perception and engagement remains noticeable, despite much interest in phenomenological theory and ethnographic methods.

Although recent participatory approaches to recording landscape experience show considerable potential e. Interviews and comparative methods will continue to play an important role, supplemented by methods that elicit in-depth, participant-led observations.

Haptic and multi-sensory responses to microclimate are another dimension of experience that are rarely taken into account in empirical research and yet remain a powerful part of landscape perception in the real world. People with learning disabilities, in particular, remain a group virtually ignored from landscape perception research, and this despite the copious literature on the therapeutic potential of green and other open spaces. New ICT methods also make it easier to relate individual experience to place in a way that can subsequently be analyzed using quantitative methods.

It is noticeable that many practical landscape assessment tools and guides are only poorly related to aesthetic and perception theory. In the context of developing research, policy and practice, there is scope for a better align- ment of theories on the visual, historical and cultural contributions to landscape experience with aesthetic theory and environmental or ecological aesthetics.

In the context of global anxieties about environment and the natural world, issues of ethics cannot be divorced from aesthetics and this also merits greater attention in future research. It is interesting to note how little discussion there is in the aesthetic literature on seascapes and, where they are covered e. Hill et al. Equally, there are many gaps in the coverage of urban landscape perceptions. Attention has been paid to views of nearby nature and immersion in natural environments as part of research on restorative environments, e.

However, research where the context for the viewer is largely an everyday built urban environment, with the natural or green landscape no more than part of a distant visual scene at best, merits further research. Finally, the growing interest in relationships between health and the landscape adds a vital dimension to explorations of landscape perception. This is a burgeoning area for empirical research and highlights opportunities for using objective, physiological measures as well as sub- jective measures of landscape experience.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to my colleagues Peter Aspinall and Penny Travlou on whose advice and input I have leant in preparing this chapter. References Agyeman, J. London: Wiley and Sons Aspinall, P. In Ward Thompson, C. London: Routledge, pp. In Proshansky, H. Landscape Ecology 24 3 : — Bell, S. English Nature Research Report no. Peterborough: English Nature Benediktsson, K.

British Journal of Aesthetics 47 3 : —18 Bixler, R. Environment and Behavior 34 6 : — Blackman, T. Disability and Society 18 3 : —71 Bourassa, S. Hove: Psychology Press Burgess, J. New Frontiers of Space, Bodies and Gender. London: CABE. Cheltenham: Countryside Agency Cullen, G. Landscape and Urban Planning 54 1—4 : —81 ——and Meitner, M. Journal of Environmental Psychology 21 1 : 61—72 Dunaway, F.

Environment and Behavior 39 4 : —93 Farina, A. Landscape Ecology 21 1 : 5—17 Fenner, D. Environmental Values 12 1 : 3—28 Foo, P. International Journal of Psychology 40 1 : 19—26 Gibson, E. Ecological Psychology 12 1 : 53—56 Gibson, J. Leisure Sciences —59 ——, Nassauer, J. Landscape Ecology 22 7 : —72 Godlovitch, S. Landscape and Urban Planning 44 4 : — Gregory, R. Journal of Environmental Psychology 83—92 Han, K. Environment and Behavior 39 4 : —56 Hartig, T.

Envir- onment and Behavior, 32, —22 Herzog, T. Environment and Behavior 34 6 : —35 Herzog, T. Journal of Environmental Psychology 24 1 : 85—92 Herzog, T. Environment and Behavior 32 3 : —46 Hill, M. Proceedings of the British Academy , 69—92 Jim, C. Environmental Management 38 3 : —49 Kaplan, R. Landscape and Urban Planning 82 1—2 : 17—24 ——and Austin, M. Landscape and Urban Planning 69 2—3 : —43 ——and Kaplan, S.

Journal of Environment Psychology —82 Karjalainen, E. Landscape and Urban Planning 59 1 : 13—28 Kelly, G. New York: W. Kohsaka, R. Forest Policy and Economics 6 3—4 : —99 Krenichyn, K. Health and Place —43 Kweon, B. C, Sullivan W. Journal of Environmental Psychology —23 ——, Kaaja, M. Environment and Behavior 36, —51 ——, Kahila, M. Environment and Behavior, 15 3 , — In Bell, S. Edinburgh: Forestry Commis- sion pp. Inquiry 95— Norberg-Schultz, C. Landscape Research 33 1 : 89— ——Fry, G. Journal of Environmental Management 90 1 : —83 Orians, G. Barkow, L. Cosmides, and J. New York: Oxford University Press pp.

Journal of Environmental Psychology 11 1 1—23 ——and Daniel, T. Landscape and Urban Planning 60 1 : 43—56 Passini, R. Design Studies 17, —31 Porteous, J. Progress in Human Geography 9 3 : —78 ——and Mastin, J. Journal of Environmental Psychology 20 2 , —91 Purcell, A. Journal of Environmental Psychology 14, — ——, Peron, E. Environment and Behavior 33 1 , 93— Rishbeth, C. Journal of Urban Design 9 3 : — Roe, J. Cognitive Psychology — Said, I.

Landscape Research 34 4 : — Stamps, A. Perceptual and Motor Skills —13 Sugiyama, T. Environment and Planning A, —60 Thwaites, K. Landscape Research 29 3 : —92 Tuan, Y. Semiotics —91 Ulrich, R. In Altman, I. Journal of Environmental Psychology, —30 Uzzell, D. In Martens, B. Environment and Behavior 40 1 : —43 Wells, N. Environment and Behavior 35 3 : —30 Woolley, H. Managing Leisure 4: — This chapter attempts to set out a framework for such studies of landscape percep- tion and preference, and uses as a metaphor those types of spectacles used by opticians into which a variety of lenses can be inserted, when carrying out an eye inspection.

Also, some may see an implied presumption that landscape is only a visual phenomenon, whereas modern landscape research, and indeed landscape practice, is quite clear that landscapes are also apprehended through sound, smell, touch and even taste, a truth which will come as no surprise to landscape poets and novelists. In a landscape architect this latter could be part of the artistic style of a practitioner. The naked eye — universal preference factors Studies attempting to explain landscape preference at a universal level go back at least to the eighteenth century, with the work of Burke [] merely being the best known of.

However, a great deal of Environmental Psychology work has been concerned with urban environments, place attachment and place identity, and is reported in the Journal of Environmental Psychology. A line of research and theory which to an extent lies parallel with that of Appleton comes from Environmental Biology and especially the Savannah theory of Gordian Orians This opines that preferred landscapes may derive in part from human pre-historic evolution in the savannah landscapes of Africa.

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Culture, social status, profession, life experience and education are here discussed separately, but they are unlikely to be so easily unravelled in reality. Nationality The lens of nationality may be the most obvious, and has certainly attracted academic attention for many years. Both they and many writers since, most obviously Matless , have been careful to distin- guish between English landscape preferences and those of other countries of the United Kingdom and Ireland; landscape appears to be one of the most clear distinguishing features of Englishness, a concept recorded by Bishop The description of national preferences in landscape has frequently been undertaken by the content analysis of a whole variety of material, literary and graphic, and even musical.

Brace ; see also Matless has focussed on the Cotswolds within English identity, making use of the outpouring of a wealth of guidebooks and travel. While the value of content analysis has been clearly demonstrated in unearthing pre- ferences among nations and among regional and other groups, there is still a vast amount of research needed to complete a picture, both many more countries and other kinds of symbolic feature.

In some countries, and most particularly the United States, nature has been given a central role in the development of national identity, and this has been given close attention both by Olwig , and Lowenthal , and described historically by Worster Direct comparison between adjoining countries and their views of landscape is an area still awaiting serious attention.

The opportunities for such work are immense. For exam- ple, recent work by Li et al. Thomas , from a cultural historical position, highlighted the impact of changing religious beliefs and sensibilities on attitudes towards nature, including landscape, but this has not been followed by a wide range of detailed inves- tigation.

Social status In was published a collection of essays, largely from authors politically left of centre, entitled Britain and the Beast Williams-Ellis, Joad wrote:. Williams-Ellis, , p. The eponymous Beast was the British public, who could not be trusted to protect the landscape. There is nothing new about class being a fundamental lens in regarding the landscape as well as building it. Oliver Creighton shows how class was fundamental in the making of the landscape of the Middle Ages, as does Liddiard Cosgrove also set the scene for the recent interest in the relationship of landscape to theories of cultural capital from Bourdieu , hegemony and dominant ideology in his work Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape.

While working with Daniels in The Iconography of Landscape Cosgrove and Daniels, , these ideas were applied to the landscape in its graphic and pictorial form. They were far from alone and further explorations of the role of social position in landscape were expounded by the archaeologist Barbara Bender , the art his- torian W.

Mitchell , and the geographer W. Darby , concentrating on the particular meanings of the landscapes of the Lake District to its many visitors. Research that demonstrates that no such dissonance existed would indeed be novel. Deusen has analyzed the construction of an American public square as a space for class warfare, which inevitably colours the perception of those involved, a theme taken up also by Nasar and Jones It is therefore now impossible rationally to argue that landscape,.

Yet, as we were reminded by Inglis many years ago, the countryside has still clung on to a perceived bucolic simplicity and innocence, especially in the minds of many urbanites, and this perception is reinforced regularly on the television screen. A great deal of work on rural landscape preferences tends to equate rural dwellers with farmers, but Milburn et al. As this new rural group now wields very considerable power in landscape management and planning, considerably more research is required. The perception of dangers in woodland, especially urban woodland and parkland, by women, has received some attention by practical landscape architects, and more academically by Burgess Age and experience Following his ideas concerning universal perceptions of landscape, Appleton went on to attempt an analysis of those attributes of his own landscape preferences that could be attributed to his life experience, at a very personal level.

Some years ago Tuan devoted some attention to this, closely followed by both Ward with an urban interest and Hart Simkins and Thwaites looked at the experience of primary school-age children, whereas Tunstall et al. So much may now be taken for granted, but there has been a great deal of work more recently on the role of landscape in matters of health. See also Nordh et al. The urgency of this research, and indeed the controversy that it generates, is due in part to the legal requirement for participation enshrined in the European Landscape Convention.

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But there are many other insiders too, members of organizations for example, but these may be covered by the lens of profession or activity. The importance of the small NGO Common Ground in this move to the local with their campaigns for parish maps, orchards and for defending local preferences has been recognized by Crouch and Matless A similar move in the cities was recognized, with D.

More recently, there has been a steady stream of research examining the attitudes of local people in particular circumstances. Studies of the English national forest Cloke et al. Perhaps the most fruitful research, which overlaps very clearly with issues of participation, has come from anthropologists using techniques of participant observation.

Profession The professional lens is clearly related to the educational, but professions also often have a distinctive way of seeing of their own, as well as a lens common to all experts.

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The latter is particularly apparent in participation exercises with the general public. Perhaps the major work of Andrews might also be put into this category, as an insight into the. Doubtless this list is not complete, but it suggests there are many professional users of the landscape where an investigation into their perceptions might be rewarding. Activity The aesthetic view of landscape might have seen that the making of pictures, whether in paint or photography, would be the pre-eminent activity in deciding on landscape values, and cer- tainly there has been much work within art history examining artists preferred places Andrews ; Howard The most direct example is research by Jakobsson into the experience of walking, and more strenuous walking is also critical to the research of Eiter Walkers also take a prominent role, along with mushroom-pickers and beekeepers, in the work by Surova and Pinto-Correira in Portugal.

Medium However important the other senses see Scott et al. Lowenthal reminds us that looking itself is an activity. Looking, however, is usually conducted to some end. There may be many more lenses than are here discussed, and the lenses may operate together rather than singly. Clearly there are some lenses which are well-researched and others where new work is sorely needed. References Aitken, S. Haartsen, T.

Ottoson, J. Uekotter F. What is the nature of the relationship between landscape and phenomenology? Phenomenol- ogy is a branch of continental philosophy which aims to elucidate and express the meaning and nature of things in the world — of phenomena — through a focus upon human lived experience, perception, sensation and understanding.

In this chapter, I will propose three answers to my initial question above concerning the relation between landscape and phenomenology, and discussion of these answers will serve to organize and structure the chapter. Landscape, phenomenology and romanticism I will begin with what is perhaps the boldest possible proposition concerning the relation between landscape and phenomenology.

This is that our two putative objects of enquiry,. Equally, phenomenology, as a tradition of thinking and understanding, is centrally preoccupied with questions regarding the multifarious relationships — distant or intimate, technical or emo- tional — between human cultures and natural worlds—the questions of landscape, in other words. Now, I think, we are straight away invited by this phrasing to perceive two distinct things. And the clear implication is that the former landscape is the context, or ground, to which the latter phe- nomenology shall be applied — thus, the chapter should set out to explain how phenomenol- ogy, as a particular style of thinking, and a particular set of research concerns, can be applied to the study of landscapes.

But taking such an approach, and only such an approach, would run the risk of occluding deeper cultural and historical associations. Because it can be argued that landscape and phe- nomenology share, to an extent, a common genesis. In this way, from the start, landscape and phenomenology are conjoined. A more concrete example may help to clarify this argument. And there, she describes the following experience:. I sat on a rock and ate cheese sandwiches — and thought I was perfectly happy.

It was so huge. And so wild and so empty and so free. And there, quite suddenly and unexpectedly, I slipped a gear, or something like that. More than that — as though the molecules and atoms I am made of had reunited themselves with the molecules and atoms that the rest of the world is made of. I felt absolutely connected to everything. It was very brief, but it was a total moment.

Maitland, , p. Hers is very much an experience redolent of a romantic sensibility — and she is, moreover, well aware of this. More pragmatically, therefore, we can also trace strong connections between romantic attitudes and the rise of modern tourism and tastes for landscape in the scenic sense see McNaughten and Urry, ; Edensor, In tandem a sense arises in both romantic and phenomenological thinking that deeper truths about humanity and nature are perhaps best accessed and expressed via artistic media — through art, poetry, music.

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More- over, if romanticism is characterized by, and caricatured through, an extolling of the individual as solitary, creative genius, then phenomenology, perhaps more than anything else, is an inves- tigation of the nature of individual human subjectivity. Nash, ; Cresswell, Phenomenology and landscape theory What is the nature of the relationship between landscape and phenomenology?

I have sketched one answer already: from the perspective of a certain philosophical and aesthetic history, they. In this section I want to explore a second, perhaps more direct answer. But there have also been periods in which phenom- enology has been at the margins of debate. Another way of expressing this thought would be to say that, like a ghost, phenomenology refuses ever completely to go away, or be wholly exorcized from landscape studies.

Wylie ; Rose , performance studies e. Pearson , interpretative archaeology Tilley , and cultural anthropology e. Ingold ; Ingold and Vergunst , it has also to be recognized that this is only the latest in quite a long line of phenomenological incarnations.

Equally, as Duncan and Duncan , p. Tracking forward through time, to the decades post-Second World War, the American landscape writer J. Then come the wilderness years. Through the s and s, phenomenology recedes, almost to vanishing point, as research turns instead to focus upon how landscapes, and especially landscape images and texts, express and sustain certain types of cultural and poli- tical power relations. Landscape is thus conceived in ideological, symbolic and discursive terms, rather than, and in some ways opposed to, phenomenological ones.

There is not the space here to dwell in detail upon this process see Wylie, , Chapters 3 and 4 , but it must be noted that the turn to a critique of land- scape as a visual ideology, expressing variously elitist, masculinist, racialized and eurocentric discourses, involves, as a starting-point soon left behind, a negative characterization of phe- nomenologically inspired humanistic landscape studies, as representing a kind of naivety. They are seen as too individualistic, as opposed to social, in their conception of landscape; and as too meditative, as opposed to critical, in their analytic practice see Cosgrove, ; Daniels, The critical analyses of landscape that emerged through the s and s provide an inescapable context for any discussion of phenomenology and landscape theory today.

If, today, there has been a resurgence of interest in phenomenological approaches to landscape — as I noted at the start of this section, and will explore in more detail in the next — then this has been accompanied, from the start, by a sense of anxiety about the cogency of such approaches, about where they might lead and about what they might overlook.

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In addition to the editors, the seminar parti- cipants comprised ten notable landscape scholars and writers, including Denis Cosgrove, Jessica Dubow, Rebecca Solnit and Anne Whiston Spirn. These assessments comprise a series of essays, variable in tone, length and approach, with contributions again from several well-known landscape authors, including Kenneth Olwig, Stephen Daniels, Malcolm Andrews and David Nye. Theorising on landscape, which was once avowedly an ideological matter, has been increasingly replaced by a kind of de facto phenomenological understanding.

DeLue and Elkins, , p. In the discussion that follows in Landscape Theory, another participant, Jessica Dubow, supplies an eloquent summation of these ideas:. Landscape experience, then, is not just how a given view comes to be represented, but how its viewer stakes a claim to perception and to presence. In other words, from a phenomenological standpoint, landscape is more-than-visual and more- than-symbolic.

To study landscape in this way involves attending instead to myriad everyday embodied practices of interaction with and through landscape. We will see in the next section that these are the issues which occupy many contemporary landscape phenomenologies. However, in Landscape Theory, the quite precise summations of landscape phenomenology given in the two quotes above are not taken up and endorsed by the remainder of the seminar; instead the discussion which follows is equivocal, at best, regarding both the potential and the precise contribution of a phenomenological approach to landscape.

This has become something of a standard critique in recent years. Was this not just politics all over again, but in the guise of neutrality? In sum, a series of anxieties continue to cluster around landscape phenomenology. It appears, to some at least, to be at once too intimate and too abstract. Too intimate in that, by focusing on lived encounters from which individualized subjects and landscapes emerge, it neglects, or even neutralizes, broader critical questions concerning the cultural, political and economic forces which shape landscapes, and shape perceptions of landscape also.

A supplementary clause stated that, despite this, phenomenological work on landscape has seemingly always been regarded by some with a degree of concern and anxi- ety. As several contributors to Landscape Theory point out, these are by no means the only ways in which one might approach landscape; nor are they themselves internally homogenous. Nevertheless, the debate here has been particularly sharp in recent years.

In the next section, in the course of considering the positive contribution of recent landscape phenomenologies, I will also point to ways in which this debate might be moved forward. I would argue that the vast majority of those using phenomenological approaches would endorse and support the argument that landscape representations and practices need to be understood in terms of cultural hierarchies and processes of exclusion, and symbolic and material oppression. In this perspective, Ingold , p. In other words, it is through our ongoing, lifelong practices of dwelling in and with the world — including practices of picturing, writing etc.

And the name given to such practices of dwelling is: landscape. In summary, then:. Landscape, in short, is not a totality that you or anyone else can look at, it is rather the world in which we stand … And it is in the context of this attentive involvement in land- scape that the human imagination gets to work in fashioning ideas about it. Ingold, , p. In other words, the main focus of research has been upon what geographer Hayden Lorimer , p. A substantial literature has quite quickly sprung up here. The practical application of phenomenological arguments to landscape issues has thus produced a range of studies from disciplines including geography, archaeology, anthropology and performance studies.

These include studies of walking Michaels, ; Lorimer and Lund, ; Wylie, ; Ingold and Vergunst, ; Sidaway, , of looking and spectating Wylie , ; Edensor, , of writing Romanillos, ; Brace and Johns-Putra, , of gardening Cloke and Jones, ; Crouch of touching and feeling Macpherson, ; Tilley, , of spiritual or therapeutic retreat and contemplation, Conradson, ; Dewsbury and Cloke, , of angling and watercraft, Bull and Leyshon, ; Eden and Bear, , of cycling Spinney, , of climbing Lewis, and of train travel Watts, ; Bissell, Nor do these works take their inspiration exclusively from phenomenology.

They collectively testify to the successful ways in which phenomenological approaches can enable and inform distinctive landscape studies, and also supplement other approaches. Moving towards a conclusion, however, I want to focus now upon two related areas in which landscape research informed by phenomenology may develop interpretative practices and frameworks though which some of the concerns and anxieties that have been voiced regarding this approach may be addressed.

Memory — in terms of practices of remembering and commemoration — has long been a core concern of phenomenological philosophy see Casey, And equally questions around materiality have been a touchstone for analysis in this area, for example for much of the work referenced above. Performance scholars Mike Pearson and Carl Lavery similarly use phenomenological and performative approaches, including walking, writing and in situ dramaturgy, to broach questions around the relationships between landscape, identity and memory, both personal and collective.

To study landscape from a phenomenological perspective involves foregrounding lived, embodied experience and perception. While its seat at the table of landscape debate has at times provoked anxiety, and may continue to do so, this chapter has hopefully demonstrated the strength and diversity of landscape phenomenology today. Notes 1 The literature on Romanticism is vast. For an up-to-date introduction, see Ferber Romanticism: a very short introduction.

References Bate, J. Edensor, T. Tang, C. Although these notions can be parcelled together in a variety of ways, in this chapter I want to situate them within the still developing range of work dealing with what has come to be termed non-representational theory. As a style of thinking, non-representational theory emerged in the mids. Irrespective of the terminology used or the particular shading of non-representational theory adopted, we can be sure of one thing: an impressive pedigree.

These scholars, along with their approaches to embodiment and practice, are regularly referenced alongside the work of more recent thinkers such as Sara Ahmed, Judith Butler, Elizabeth Grosz and Bruno Latour within the non-representational literature. See also Chapters 4, 7, 10 and In common across this breadth of research is an acknowledgement that our understandings of the world are lived, embodied and tangled up with how we do things, our doings and our enactments in the moment Carolan Researchers who align themselves with non-representational theories thus simultaneously signal an intent to take very seriously the ways in which our bodies participate in the world that surrounds us.

By working these concepts toge- ther, Thrift prompted a shift in thinking towards conceiving of the world in practical and pro- cessual terms, or, in other words, as something that was in a perpetual state of becoming. Thus, although his position can broadly be seen to have emerged out of social constructivism, his suggestion is that we should think about processes of meaning-making as occurring within action and interactions with other people and the world around us, rather than solely within the representational dimensions of discourse and structures of symbolic orders Anderson and Harrison 2.

It is, to be more precise, a way of thinking; or, perhaps more accurately, a way of thought or a way of thinking about thinking that brings together cognition with impulse, intuition and habit, with no easy way of cleaving them apart. However, this response to representationalism — an approach that Lorimer 84; see also Dewsbury et al. For Lorimer 84 , this means taking up a focus that:. When put together, this style of thinking came to conceive of a messier world, and certainly a complex one, that is in a continuous process of composition, dissimilar to that understood by many social researchers at the time Thrift 20—1.

In taking account of the pre-cognitive, the intuitive and the habitual, those scholars attending to this area of research were required to take the biological more seriously Thrift It is not that we cannot represent sensuous, corporeal, lived experience but that the moment we do so we immediately lose something.

Representations tell only part of the story, yet they still have a story to tell, however incomplete. Anderson , for example, draws on both. All three are important for understanding the interconnections between senses of self and the world. Here, research interests have, for example, coalesced around unpacking landscape construction and interpreta- tion cf. Cosgrove and Daniels More recently, a rich seam of landscape-focused research has grown out of non-representational theories and can be mapped onto the wider engagement with sensuous and embodied knowledge occurring across the social sciences.

There is much to be gained, then, from non-representational approaches that emphasize the ways in which people interact — routinely and creatively — with landscapes in their everyday lives, along with associated embodied and technologized practices Lorimer ; Wylie ; Larsen It may be a moody landscape, dark, sharp and foreboding, or associated with memory, light, breezing and sweet, or, perhaps still, wildly atmospheric.

From here, it is not just a matter of understanding how we think about the landscapes that surround us, but how they in turn force us to think — through their contexts, prompts and familiarity or not after Dewsbury ; see also MacPherson Body and landscape thus become recursively intertwined, both constitutive and constituting, and always in a process of re formation. Indeed, they become, to borrow from Thrift and Dewsbury , extensions of the body and mind, and vice versa. Rather, as Merriman et al. Thus, while landscapes are necessarily contingent upon our movements through them, they also continue to shape our expressions, experiences and emotions.

Here, participants hinted at a process of knowing their surroundings through their bodies and, importantly for some, through their tractors. For him, it is a negotiated practice, with landscapes and place sub- jectively produced, encountered and understood through action. In a similar vein, Paul Simp- son has applied what he terms an ecological approach to street performances occurring.

One of the last remaining stands of bottle ovens can be found at the Gladstone Pottery Museum, where one regular visitor made the following comment:. GMA, female, 18—29, teaching assistant, cited in Waterton In this instance, it is possible to glimpse the ways in which the museumscape — and the wider industrial landscape it represents — can become part of the living body, absorbed into an embodied encounter.

Apposite here is a recent observation made by Crouch 14 , who argues that:. In this guise, all possibilities for engagement with landscape cannot help but be highly perfor- mative; and they surge and pulse, always in movement and in the process of being formed or becoming. This cau- tionary note is reminiscent of arguments made by Mitch Rose and Deborah Thien , both of whom challenge researchers to think more critically about dominant con- ceptualisations of landscape and continue to ask politicized questions when attending to this bent of work. In short, engagements with landscape may be negative, constrained and marginalizing, too, but in the rush to get back to the precognitive we may miss those steps where we think about such feelings and emotions.

As Tolia-Kelly has argued, the intuitive and embodied encounters often imagined in the literature are at times a. Moreover, these narratives may overlook the fact that part of the purpose of performing with landscape is to communicate that a person or given group exists, that they have an identity and that they matter, thus claiming status and access to resources from others. This, non- representational theorists advise us, occurs too fast and, in the end, is too excessive and complex for us adequately to theorize Morton This does not mean that we have to abandon the traditional in-depth interview, social survey or focus group dis- cussions, however.

In terms of methodological tools, Wylie has attempted to access the non-representational with use of experimental writing in conjunction with photography. Others, still, have turned to the use of video as a tool for studying embodiment and the sensuousness of practice, thus evoking something of the non-representational via newer tech- nological tools see Laurier ; Simpson ; but see also Dewsbury , while others pursue a performative ethnography see Morton Irrespective of the methods pursued,.

The trick, it seems, is to continue to push at the boundaries of traditional methods so that the body, our bodies, can somehow become more central to the processes through which research is done, while at the same time keeping mindful of ethical and political implications Crang References Anderson, B.

Latham, A. Wylie, J. They argued that creating just another nature reserve is not enough to face the challenges posed by global climate change. In the anthropocene, they argue, the separation of nature from culture and landscape from development does not make sense any more.

In this chapter, I discuss the anthropology of landscapes in light of these recent developments and in order to adjust its theoretical and methodological foundations accordingly. In the second part, I apply this concept to the anthropology of landscapes. From early on, cultural anthropology and related disciplines such as cultural geography were critical of environmental concepts which tried to explain cul- tural behavior exclusively as a result of natural constraints or to legitimize politics in the name of nature.

In the conclusion, I will argue that the anthropology of postenvironmental landscapes focuses on the dynamics of assemblages and networks that. In doing so, landscape studies contribute to the adjusting of environmental politics in the face of current and future global challenges. In , two op-ed pieces in the New York Times attracted my attention. His argumentation follows the agenda of traditional nature con- servation and perfectly illustrates its limitations. He concludes:. The pursuit of large-scale, ridgeline wind power in Vermont represents a terrible error of vision and planning and a misunderstanding of what a responsible society must do to slow the warming of our planet.

It also represents a profound failure to understand the value of our landscape to our souls and our economic future in Vermont. Wright The anthropocene does not represent the failure of environmentalism. It is not ruined. It is beautiful still, and can be even more beautiful, if we work together and care for it. Marris et al. Through their stories, institutions, and policies, environmentalists constantly reinforce the sense that nature is something separate from, and victimized by, humans. Nordhaus and Shellenberger 7. A group of conservation scientists rides a fundamental attack on the hallmark of American environmentalism, the national parks, and one of its founders, John Muir:.

Muir has sympathized with the oppression of the Winnebago Indians in his home state, but when it came time to empty Yosemite of all except the naturalists and the tourists, Muir vigorously backed the expulsion of the Miwok. The Yosemite model spread to other national parks, including Yellowstone, where the forced evictions killed Shoshone in one day.

Kareiva et al.

These publications show that the concept of postenvironmentalism results from a detailed critique of environmentalism as practice and ideology; the anthropocene is understood as a fundamental ontological and epistemological change. The anthropology of protected landscapes On the one hand, landscape studies always had a more or less hidden environmental agenda.

When identifying, describing and classifying cultural and natural heritage, they contributed to the demarcation of landscapes worth of protection and the creation of ever more national parks or other conservation areas. This is especially true for cultural anthropology as well as cultural geography and their long tradition of analyzing protected landscapes West , Olwig In their reader National Parks and Resident Peoples, West and Brechin presented a series of oftentimes shocking examples such as the deportation of entire human populations in order to protect wildlife.

Misreading African Landscapes by Fairhead and Leach became one of the hallmarks of this kind of research; while scientists and policy-makers had regarded the islands of forests in Guinea as remaining parts of originally huge forests, the anthropologists found out that it was in turn the villagers who had grown and maintained these islands of forest around their villages. Once the focus is on the production of space, the whole network of people and things come into sight. This process mostly includes what West et al. In doing so, they legitimize environmental or conservation projects such as national parks and profoundly change the relationship between people and their envir- onment.

But West et al. In this mostly critical perspective, new ways to conceptualize landscapes take shape. Case studies Just like Nordhaus and Shellenberger, anthropological studies of protected landscapes are also highly critical of environmentalism. The imagery of New Guinea and its people as untouched and exotic attracted scientists, environmentalists and those who want to sell and explore it, and the same imagery is the one that drives the conversation and development project today.

For the Gimi, the environment exists in their engagement with it:. It generates Gimi, and Gimi generate it — through their life force and exchange as manifest in procreation, hunting, and initiation — and there are times in which person and forest are one, the moment a man becomes a bird of paradise during initiation, for example. West They have dreams of technology, medicine and development, and they see the environmentalists as means to become those developed people; the Gimi interpret the deal as a social relationship.

Paradoxically, it is wildlife management that turns the environment into a commodity and connects Gimi to global capitalism. One wishes that those international environmentalists would learn from West how the pro- ject looks from the side of the Gimis. West presents many details as to how conservation penetrates ever more niches of Gimi life. The closer she looks at the manifold implications of the Crater Mountain Wildlife project, the more globally connected the social construction of the Gimi environment becomes. Here, the WWF and the nation state together seek access to this peripheral region via environmental protection.

Her postenvironmentalism sounds romantic, but is deeply rooted in anthropological experience:. Where … actors are self-critical of their positions within networks of power and privilege, where they remain fundamentally in touch with culturally situated epistemologies and daily lives of marginalized local groups, and where they are committed to principles of envir- onmental justice, their collaborations support truly creative ways of thinking about culture and ecology.

Heatherington On the one hand, it is the tale of modern environmentalism, which swept across the globe in order to protect the beautiful from the evils of modernity. On the other hand, it is a story of many encounters which produce new frictions and alliances, in oftentimes unforeseen ways. Even in messy situations, there are possibilities for unexpected coalitions and events. This is the postenviron- mental landscape, which is entailed in all of these strange encounters which anthropologists witness. According to Tsing, it is not necessary that people think alike in order to help each other.

There are creative misunderstandings on both sides, and it is important that there is a political dialogue at all about things environmental. Only then, the postenvironmental vision of Nordhaus and Shellenberger is rooted in social relations, in the reality of the everyday.

I will show that sometimes it is technology that opens up new ways to understand and to theorize landscapes. In doing so, I will also introduce into actor-network theory as an additional approach to research postenvironmental landscapes. Thus, northern Friesland turns. As it turned out, I found the answer in the movement itself, by driving in my car from one side to the other. One day, it came to me as a shock that I had indeed literally crossed the border between culture and nature when trying to get to a small Hallig — a miniscule island which was a leftover from the damage done by a previous storm surge see Figure 6.

Before entering this dam behind the dikeline, one had to stop at an electronic barrier. Figure 6. The barrier not only separated nature from culture, but it actually brought them into being. I learned accidentally that the border between nature and culture was nothing but a compromise, gained in long and contested negotiations between the national park administration and the local municipality. The barrier turned out to be a mediator in the strict sense of actor-network theory as sug- gested by science and technology studies.

It connects and assembles the sea, the wind, endan- gered ecosystems and the farmers, the mayors and the administrators, the environmentalists and the scientists, the migratory birds and the tourists and the NGOs, or, to put it into the terms of Bruno Latour , it assembled people and things, human and non-human actors.

The barrier does not give a philosophical answer; instead, it is pure sociology. It is also the story of how nature and culture came into being. Of course, the barrier is only a temporary solution. Once there are new actors in play, for example climate change, each agreement has to stand the test of time again. From early on and often times at their own risk, they had started to invest into wind energy. Based on a tradition of investing into modern technologies, they easily adopted gov- ernmental test-programs for wind turbines and turned them into a completely unexpected success, which in turn pressured the government to subsidize wind energy.

By way of technology — be it the barrier or wind turbines — the coastal landscape turns out to be a truly postenvironmental landscape, including the national park. Conclusion Postenvironmentalism and anthropocene are two terms which mark a substantial change in both conservation policies and landscape studies. The anthropology of postenvironmental landscapes is a step towards a greater pragmatism. Nature conservation and the history of environmentalism were always rife with fantasies about social hierarchies and.

The concept of postenvironmentalism helps to further reveal these hidden agendas. While envir- onmentalism restricted itself to singling out ever more landscapes from the whole of society, postenvironmentalism brings landscapes back into society and democracy. References Cronon, W. Olwig, K. The brief journey I propose in this chapter is to visit and dwell awhile upon the two important concepts of place and landscape, and to consider what might be gained by examining the creative tension between them.

Landscapes, places and cultures are ineluctably linked. They work on and change each other over time. It would be all too easy, in the age of virtual realities and globalization Massey and Jess , to miss the fundamental role that landscapes and places play in the development and sustenance of cultural identity. For me, landscapes and places are best considered from the perspective of the particular.

Every place is a result of an ongoing interaction between natural and cultural phenomena. Human expectations and desires for a location and the resulting way that humans live in a landscape shape and are shaped by that location. This chapter is divided into four parts. Part one provides a brief survey of some of the con- tested ideas about landscape. This section is not meant to be exhaustive. This new edition of The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies contains an updated and expanded selection of original chapters which explore research directions in an array of disciplines sharing a concern for 'landscape', a term which has many uses and meanings.

The volume is divided into four parts: Experiencing landscape; Landscape, heritage and culture; Landscape, society and justice; and Design and planning for landscape. Collectively, the book provides a critical review of the various fields related to the study of landscapes, including the future development of conceptual and theoretical approaches, as well as current empirical knowledge and understanding.

It encourages dialogue across disciplinary barriers and between academics and practitioners, and reflects upon the implications of research findings for local, national and international policy in relation to landscape. The Companion provides a comprehensive and up-to-date guide to current thinking about landscapes, and serves as an invaluable point of reference for scholars, researchers and graduate students alike.

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The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)
The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks) The Routledge Companion to Landscape Studies (Routledge International Handbooks)

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